Britain’s fiscal framework is not fit for purpose

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It did not mean to be like. Independent Budget Responsibility Office Approved To ensure that the UK governments have fixed their finances, instead of falsified the numbers. But for 15 years, we have witnessed a terrible scene of the tail of the fiscal guard, which will deliver the government’s dog.

Last month, Rachel Reeves did not cut well-being benefits because he thought it was right to do, but in response to OR forecast. This became painfully obvious when the chancellor Added to cuts Just a week ago, as OBR officials did not agree with the ministers how much the original plans would save. Of course, Chancellor’s plans only have a sign of transfer to its fiscal rules, as the OBR look for the long-term economic potential of Great Britain is more optimistic than. Every other predictionA number

It is unacceptable that public services and taxes are defined in the ballot box, but not selectively reported and barely reported at the small office at the small office above the Ministry of Justice. OBR is not even an expert in its most important verdict, assessing the increase in the potential productivity of the United Kingdom. As a David Mills, one of the three responsible officials, openly It is accepted last yearThis assumption is “no more than educated guess, and maybe it’s not even terribly educated.”

I don’t criticize the OBR or Government here. It is the UK’s fiscal framework, its incentives and operations in practice, which has led to this unacceptable result. There are four possible solutions.

First, as Rupert Harrison, the head of the Chancellor George Osborn and one of the current circle architects, was challengedOBR forecasts would be much less important if governments (and conservative and labor force) have made themselves more against their fiscal rules. Then it doesn’t matter whether interest rates will be moved, or OBR became more pessimistic about the worldview. The policy should not be changed, and the headset will be slow.

Unfortunately, the stimuli in the system was treated against such a result. Why should we prioritize everyone for everyone that the ministers have propaganda? Why did you celebrate the choice for another government? The fiscal range fails, because everyone knows that the ministers will work closely against the rules and blame OBR when they have to hold heavy tax and expenses.

Secondly, we could fry OBR to make its predictions for thousands of variables 52 staff not to make awesome educated guesses. The observer is so screwed, I am told that it cannot subscribe to any news. If you walk around Westmins, you can also notice a junior OBR official, which sheds the treasury to sit in his Bloomberg terminal to indicate market prices.

It happens when I also understand that the Bank of England “large“The increase in the staff of this prediction process will increase something like 100 new roles. Bow refused to confirm or deny that figure. This combination is in the workload of public resources.

Third, governments may increase a little more about the changes in the forecast. OBR calculated that Revez was 54 percent likely In order to transfer its main fiscal rule in 2029-30 after the reduction of its well-being, only 48% are possible before the policy measures. These are the differences without material difference. The government needs to be more comfortable with these predictions, five years of change are made, but I doubt we have Liz Truss Episode, it is guilty of the shock of work.

Since none of the above is likely to hand over a guessing work for the growth of productivity. OBR will still use his experience, assessing the tax consequences of any economic forecast. No one in the UK can remotely perform this problem as well as those officials. But the Chancellor would have to take responsibility for the most consistent part of his prediction.

Reeves should have persuaded the markets that the main economic assumption of the government was reasonable. The risk, of course, is that predictions can lose reliability with markets, and we all pay price.

But that risk is low than the threat of democratic legitimacy raised by unpleasant officials, which is responsible for the most sensitive tax and decisions. Very reluctant, I came to the view that the ministers should have the right to set their own productivity predictions. They must be responsible for getting their right.

chris.giles@ft.com

 
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